On Wednesday, Thailand’s constitutional court took the significant step of removing Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin from office. The court ruled that Srettha had breached the Thai constitution by appointing a cabinet minister with a criminal conviction, thus violating the country’s ethical code. This decision, which had been building momentum in Thai politics for several months, bypassed the need for voters to express their views in the next election, instead leading to Srettha’s immediate dismissal.
Thai voters often find themselves sidelined when it comes to passing judgment on their elected leaders. In 2008, a prime minister was forced to step down due to a conflict of interest related to appearances on a cooking show. Similarly, in 2014, Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of the influential former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was ousted by the court over her personnel decisions while in office.
Thailand’s “independent institutions,” including the constitutional court, have been firmly established by the 2017 constitution, drafted by the post-coup regime. This constitution has effectively curbed the influence of Thai voters, ensuring that elected governments remain weak and under the sway of conservative powers that operate above the parliament.
Srettha, a former businessman who assumed office in 2023, was a relatively minor political figure. His rise to power was largely due to a deal between Thaksin and the remaining conservative politicians in parliament, who had governed Thailand from 2014 to 2023. Following Thaksin’s release from prison in February, Srettha’s political influence appeared even more diminished, lacking both authority and a clear agenda. Even before his removal, Srettha was unlikely to be considered among
Thailand’s ten most influential figures.
The prime minister’s removal may serve as a cautionary message to Thaksin and the Pheu Thai Party, signaling that conservative forces continue to hold sway in Thailand. However, it does not necessarily indicate that the alliance between Thaksin and these conservative elements is unraveling. The recent dissolution of the progressive Move Forward Party leaves Pheu Thai with limited options for forming new alliances.
Srettha’s successor is expected to be another weak figure. If Pheu Thai seeks to retain the prime ministership, the 75-year-old Chaikasem Nitisiri could be a likely candidate, despite ongoing rumors about his health.
Another possibility is Anutin Charnvirakul, a political middleman whose flexibility has made him a favorable option for all coalition parties.
Regardless of who takes over, Thailand’s next government is likely to remain unstable, heavily influenced by conservative forces, and unable to implement significant economic or political reforms. On the international stage, its influence will likely continue to wane.
